Franciscan Reliquary Crosses and Franciscan Identity: Symbolism, Materiality, and Conflict in the 14th Century

Reliquary Crosses and Franciscan Identity:
Symbolism, Materiality, and Conflict in the 14th Century

It is arguable that the relic of the True Cross is one of the most important objects for Christianity because of its centrality to the Passion of Christ. [1] Often regarded as priceless objects, the relics of the True Cross were immensely desirable, and to display these relics to their full potential, it is not uncommon to house the splinters of wood in a reliquary cross. [2] The relic of the True Cross also held particular importance within the Franciscan order (Friars Minor), as Franciscan scholars stressed the remarkable parallels between Christ and St. Francis of Assisi. Artisans producing reliquaries for the Franciscan context often select materials with appropriate value and symbolism corresponding to Franciscan ideology. Yet during the 13th and 14th centuries, the Friars Minor found themselves amid internal conflict, and reliquary crosses from this period reflect this evolution of Franciscanism. [3] Decorated with enamel and silver, one of the 14th-century reliquary crosses from the Metropolitan Museum of Art stands out, especially in comparison with the Crystal Reliquary of the True Cross by Bertuccio de Venezia at Cappella Maggiore of Santa Croce in Florence. Through comparison between the MMA Cross and the Bertuccio Cross, these two crosses not only carry distinct symbolism and motifs, according to their material of choice, but they also reflect the internal conflict within the 14th-century Friars Minor; yet, despite division, both reliquaries demonstrate the essential Franciscan idea that St. Francis, through his stigmata, is the Alter Christus.

The duality of the Cross, as both a literal object and a symbol, played an immensely important role in understanding the relic of the True Cross and cross reliquaries. The immaterial cross, as a sign —that is, a cross that is not physical but spiritual —was loaded with function and symbolism throughout history. Even before the Christian veneration, the cross already bears meaning in its shape, with its four arms reaching all corners of the universe. [4] The form of the cross can also be manifested into a letter or be seen as a written word, which became important because Christ is seen as the “Word was made flesh” [5](John 1:14, KJV). The Apostle Paul, in his first letter to the Corinthians, said the sign of the cross carries the mind to Christ. At the same time, St. Augustine believes that the sign of the cross acts as an intercessor between the mind and God through identification by words. [6] Indeed, the evolving meaning of the cross across history and mystical traditions demonstrates that the immaterial side of the cross is malleable, taking new forms according to people’s reasoning and expectations.

In contrast with the evolving meaning of the spiritual cross, the meaning of the physical cross, which is often represented by the relics of the True Cross, is relatively stable. The relics of the True Cross gain their typological significance through the Golden Legend of Voragine, which states that the True Cross had been found three times before St. Helena’s discovery. [7] The first time of discovery was made by an angel, whose identity is debatable, and Seth. [8] This angel, carrying a shoot from the tree where Adam had sinned, ordered Seth to plant it, while prophesying that, “when the branch of this tree bore fruit, his father would be made whole.” [9] Scholars later thought that this branch Seth planted would grow into a wood to make the cross to crucify Christ, and this fruit would be the crucified Christ. [10] Solomon and Queen Sheba made the second discovery, and the third time was made by Jews from the Probatica as the time of Christ’s crucifixion approached. [11] Later, St. Helena “rediscovered” the cross in Jerusalem, with the guidance of Judas Cyriacus. [12] [13] While these legends of the True Cross are hagiographical, what is historically accurate is that Constantinople did control the distribution of the relic of the True Cross to the Latin West for a considerable amount of history until the 4th Crusade in the 13th century. [14] Therefore, according to the Golden Legend, the relic of the True Cross bore typological meaning: using the event of the crucifixion as a medium, the legend not only compares Christ to Solomon, suggesting a connection between them both as the King of the Jews, but also, through Seth, connects the crucifixion of Christ to the original sin of humans, emphasizing the necessity for Christ’s sacrifice on the cross. To add to its mystical nature, it is also said that the holy wood of the True Cross shows no objection to being divided and that the small splinter of the wood would represent the whole body of the True Cross, giving theological backing to the division and distribution of the true cross for Constantinople, and later the Crusaders.[15]

In the specific context of the Friars Minor, the relic of the True Cross holds additional importance, as both its physical and symbolic meanings are connected to the founder of their Order, St. Francis of Assisi, through Francis's Stigmata, which he bore near the end of his life. [16] Strictly speaking, stigmata are marks, but later traditions begin to describe Stigmata as the wounds on the body of the dead Christ’s hands and feet and the side of his chest. [17] It is said that Francis received his Stigmata at La Verna, and scholars have interpreted the event differently, each highlighting a distinct perspective on Francis’s suffering. [18] Yet one scholar in the 1240s, called Joachim of Fiore, suggested that through receiving the Stigmata, Francis became the decisive figure in ending the Age of the Catholic Church and ushering in a new churchless, order-ruling Age of the Spirit, which gained popularity among the Friars Minor. [19] [20] Such an anti-church message does not sit well with the Church. Bonaventure of Bagnoregio, a Paris-educated theologian, was therefore promoted as the Minister General of the Franciscans in 1257 by the papacy to calm down the Friars Minor. [21] To achieve his purpose, Bonaventure had to take a middle position. [22] As a result, Bonaventure decided to renew Francis's official image through the production of a new vita for Francis, the Legenda Maior, to confirm Francis's eschatological importance while staying pro-Church. [23] [24]

To give Francis an eschatological role, instead of shaping Francis into a poor, humane being, Bonaventure emphasized Francis's divine virtue. [25] For Bonaventure, the stigmata of Francis are a reflection of his life for humankind, in love and hope for salvation, but also a sign of the validity of Francis's teachings. [26] In Bonaventure's version of the event, it was at a moment of Francis’ weakness and doubt that he had a vision of Christ descending from heaven in the form of a seraph. [27] Though confused at first, Francis soon realized that "it was not the martyrdom of his body but the love burning in his soul that was going to transform him into the likeness of Christ crucified." [28] This event transformed Francis into a Christ-like figure, which can be viewed as a response from divine love to the human love of Francis, mediated by Christ. [29] Indeed, the stigmata were a tangible demonstration of the mystical connection between humans and God, and a proof of the transformative power of love, which elevates humans to a higher spiritual level. [30] By comparing the stigmata and “the seal on wax that the heat of the fire had first melted,” Bonaventure believes that the stigmata is the divine seal given by God to Francis to authenticate the teachings and rulings of the Friars Minor. [31] This divine seal is also identified with the Gospel, and therefore Bonaventure’s Legenda Maior assigned Francis as the New Elijah, or the new John the Baptist, who is also the angel “ascending from the rising sun bearing the seal of the living God” [32] [33] This angel, according to the Revelation, would be the angel who arise after the breaking open the sixth seal by Christ, bringing a new era into the history of human salvation.[34] It was in this vision that the Friars Minor found the Cross at the center of their worship, since the cross alluded to Christ’s stigmata, which Francis also received. [35] Bonaventure further enhances this connection through an interpretation of Matthew 24:30. By viewing that the“sign of the Son of man in heaven” is the cross, Bonaventure connects the cross to the stigmata of Christ and therefore Francis’s stigmata (Matt. 24:30, KJV). [36] As a result, the relic of the truth cross, as one of the closest objects to Christ’s stigmata and passion, not only comes to symbolize the crucifixion and resurrection of Christ, but also emphasizes the holiness of Francis, who, through love, bore the marks of Christ’s suffering, and became the Alter Christus.

Despite Bonaventure’s effort to satisfy both sides of the Order, the Legenda Maior is not perfect, as it received the criticism of reducing Francis’ humanity, attempting to incorporate the Friars Minor into the Church’s structure in a manner that rejects Francis’ original message, as well as suggesting that poverty is an interior virtue. [37] Indeed, the evolution of the concept of poverty within the Franciscan context is fascinating. Francis himself regarded poverty as necessary, not just because Christ lived in poverty, but also in a sense of joyful asceticism that recognizes God as the source of all good and joy, at the same time, refused to let himself be distracted by his possessions. [38] However, this message gradually lost its significance in practice, as one group within the Order, known as the “Community,” continued to diverge from the notion of poverty, allowing the Order to integrate with the ecclesiastical structure and to own pastoral objects bestowed by the papacy. [39] This enables them to actualize what they conceive as Francis's goal: to reform the Christian faith. [40] The other group in opposition decided to take a more fundamentalist approach. [41] This group, later known as “Spirituals,” often viewed poverty in its literal sense and strongly disagreed with the Community's attitude towards the Church. [42] Although the Spirituals eventually vanished in the early 14th century after violent conflict, their legacy persisted, influencing artistic and spiritual practices. [43] Such influence can be seen in artifacts like the MMA Cross and the Bertuccio Cross, both of which were produced within the Franciscan context, albeit possibly under different understandings of spirituality and poverty.

In this context, we come to the two reliquary crosses, one richly decorated, while the other is almost entirely made of rock crystal. Both reliquaries aimed to aid the splinters of the True Cross in their containers in manifesting their power, albeit using different visual rhetoric. A general understanding of the relationships between relics and reliquaries could apply here. While relics provide a tangible connection to an intangible divine power, reliquaries are an outward expression of the power, holiness, and authenticity of the relic. [44] That is to say, aside from the relics of the true cross, cross reliquaries and metal crosses also hold spiritual power and function, capable of requesting intercession from divine power. These physical crosses often appear in the form of gold and gems, such as the Crux Gemmata. [45] Because of the inherent value of such offerings, these objects reflect the wealth, strength, and stability of their owners. [46] Therefore, as reliquaries, the MMA Cross and the Bertuccio Cross enhance the messages of the relic of the True Cross by magnifying its holiness by increasing its size and glorifying its appearances; they are also reflections of the relative stability of the Friars Minor in the 14th century, despite disputes between interpretations of poverty that can be found in the material choice.

The Bertuccio Cross is arguably the most precious Christian object at the Cappella Maggiore of Santa Croce in Florence. [47] By the late 13th century, this reliquary cross came into the procession of Santa Croce. [48] It is made of only two materials: delicately carved rock crystals in the shape of Quatrefoils at its four arms, and light gold-colored metal tracery around the rock crystals. There is no imagery in this cross, but the wood of the True Cross is housed in the center of the cross, in the shape of the crucifix, with no visual obstacles. Even without narratives, the material of rock crystal can convey many meanings, as it has a specific resonance with Christian messages. [49] Medieval scholars believed rock crystals to be the permanently frozen and condensed water. [50] This paradoxical transformation from liquid to solid inspires theological imagination: The similar paradoxical nature of rock crystal leads it to become the metaphor for Christ, who is both divine and human. [51] In the Revelation of St. John, at 21:11, it is described that the River of Life is “clear as crystal.” (Rev. 21:11, KJV) According to the interpretation of medieval theologians, the river is connected to rock crystal, linking rock crystal to the Holy Spirit and Baptism, and finally, a symbol of salvation through Christ. [52] [53]

The rock crystal’s importance in Christianity further inspired Franciscan imagination and is also a preferred material for manufacturing objects in the Franciscan context. As the availability of rock crystals increased through international trade in the 13th century, their monetary value decreased, and with the loss of the Order’s original definition of poverty, it became acceptable for the Friars Minor to own them. [54] [55] The colorless and transparent quality of rock crystal signifies ideas such as simplicity and purity, and contributes to its acceptance within the Order. [56] As a result, theologians such as Bonaventure developed complex theories about rock crystals. For Bonaventure, the firm yet transparent rock crystal is the perfect example of “the mystical access of the human soul to God” through vision. [57] This mystical access is exemplified by the phenomenon of light penetrating the clear rock crystals, expressing the idea that only those who follow the true light of Christ can have access to salvation. [58] Bonaventure believed that light is of special importance, as he described in Legenda Maior that Francis had received his stigmata in light and fire, which makes the phenomenon of light penetrating the cross a visual representation of Francis's final enlightenment, recalling his desire and love for God. [59] Thus, it is reasonable to suggest that the Bertuccio Cross demonstrates a vision more in line with the thoughts of the “Spirituals,” illustrating the ideas of simplicity and poverty through its transparent nature. At the same time, the rock crystal symbolizes human salvation through Christ's vision of light. By being situated in a Franciscan context, Bonaventure further uses the material to provoke the event which gives stigmata to Francis, a proof that love can bring humans closer to God, positioning Francis as the Alter Christus.

While rock crystal might be acceptable in a Franciscan context, the MMA Cross is outrageously decorative. Produced in the Marches region of Italy around the late 14th century, this Latin cross-shaped reliquary was possibly commissioned by the Friars Minor. [60] Its structure is made of gilt silver and decorated with translucent enamel narratives. [61] At the center of the MMA Cross is an 8-petal quatrefoil chamber made of rock crystals and silver, used to hold the relic of the True Cross. The front side of this chamber features enameling gildings of alternating vegetal motif decorations and symbols of the four evangelists, symbolizing the importance of the gospel in bringing Christ’s teaching and good news into the world. On both sides of the MMA Cross are extending, four-pointed, lobed star arms, enameled in vegetal motif decorations. At the end of the arms are barbed quatrefoils that contain different narratives of Christ’s life and passion, the scene of Francis receiving his stigmata, and finally, saints related to St. Francis. Together with the rock crystal and glass decoration, this cross-shaped reliquary conveyed a richer message concerning Christ’s passion and Francis’ holiness.

In contrast to the Bertuccio Cross, the MMA Cross is made using silver. Although less common, it expresses a deliberate message reflecting the transformation of the Order’s view on poverty. Silver is considered a material with similar value to gold, and they were once banned in the Order by the Constitution of Paris in 1292-1295, which said that “thuribles, crosses, and ampullae made of silver or gold should be removed from everywhere” from the Friars Minor. [62] Yet there are changes in the early 14th century, when the Chapter of Padua, despite banning objects made of gold and silver, made an exception for using gold and silver in reliquaries in a Franciscan context. [63] The MMA Cross was produced in the late 14th century, well past the time when the Chapter of Padua declared it suitable for using gold and silver for reliquaries; therefore, it should not be surprising that silver is used. Together with translucent enamel, probably in imitation of the Crux Gemmata, this cross-shaped reliquary could be seen as an offering to the relic of the True Cross that it is housing. Unlike the Bertuccio Cross, the MMA Cross demonstrates the power and relative stability of the Friars Minor in the late 14th century. The MMA Cross also shows a possible “Community” viewpoint, that the Friars who received or commissioned this reliquary cross believe that poverty is an internal virtue of man, in line with Bonaventure’s thinking. [64]

The vegetal and celestial motifs decorating the MMA Cross could serve a topological function. During the first half of the 12th century, technological advancements and the rise of pilgrimage led to an increase in travel, stimulating a renewed interest in the study of natural science, as well as vegetal motifs and mountain-like structures in church architecture. [65] Part of this is to provoke the concept of the magical mountain, which can be compared to Mount Zion, the mountain where the new Jerusalem is said to be built, according to the Revelation of St. John. [66] As this cross extensively uses vegetal motifs as connectors and intermediaries between narratives, it is not unreasonable to consider that these motifs served a typological function, initiating the believer’s imagination of the new heaven, and reminding believers of the Garden of Eden. Such comparisons correspond to the legend of the relic of the True Cross, where the wood is said to be from the tree where Adam fell, emphasizing the importance of original sin and Christ’s sacrifice. By topping the sharp points of the MMA Cross with rock crystals and glass, this decoration invites the viewers to consider these spheres as celestial globes and stars. These celestial elements not only remind viewers of heaven but also point to Francis as the angel who ascended to heaven and bears the divine seal, renewing the relationship between the church and humanity and ushering in a new age in the history of salvation.

The rock crystal on the MMA Cross also carries a rich symbolism. Just like the vegetal motif at the back of the Cross of St. Nikomedes of Borghorst, alluding to the Tree of Life, the vegetable motifs on the MMA Cross could also be viewed as an allusion to the Tree of Life, considering that the rock crystals surround all the vegetal decorations. [67] [68] Through the curved rock crystal at the 8-petal quatrefoil chamber in the center of the MMA Cross, the wood of the True Cross is magnified for viewing, emphasizing the importance of Christ's role in salvation to the viewers. By viewing the magnified relic through the rock crystal, the viewer can gain mystical access to the divine power within the relic, bringing the message that only through following the true light of God can one achieve salvation through Christ. The use of rock crystal also emphasizes the paradoxical nature of Christ, which is that he is both human and divine. The dichotomy of Christ also draws a comparison to Francis, who, through the love of God and Christ, was transformed into a both holy and humane being by the stigmata with light, again consolidating Francis as the Alter Christus within the Franciscan context.

The narratives on the reliquary further demonstrate the power of the relic of the True Cross. Historically, the material enamel was not given meaning or symbolism; it was seen as an affordable substitute for gems. [69] As a result, it is more reasonable to focus on analyzing the identifiable scenes of the cross. On the front side of the cross, identifiable scenes include Christ in Majesty, the Annunciation, the Christ in the Manger, the Adoration of the Magi, and an unidentified saint with an iron grid. On the back side are Francis receiving his stigmata, a bishop saint reading, an unknown Franciscan saint preaching to a group of faithful from a pulpit, a woman saint kneeling in front of an altar and a crucifix, and another unidentified saint. The organization of the scenes on MMA Cross focused on the early part of Christ's life, and the moment when Francis received his stigmata. These events, combined with the story of Christ’s Crucifixion, symbolized by the relic of the True Cross, can be understood as the narration of Christ’s life cycle with a connection to Francis’s life. Such an interpretation is consistent with the other symbolism of the MMA Cross, which not only emphasizes the divine power of the relic through decoration but also shapes Francis into a holy figure by drawing close connections between him and Christ, portraying Francis as the Alter Christus.

Although unidentified, it is confirmed to be related to Francis; several saints are also depicted on the reliquary. [70] These saints are probably represented to imitate the Court of Heaven, which is usually seen in reliquaries and altars. [71] When relics of different saints are put into the same reliquary or altar, this situation is described as the Court of Heaven. According to medieval writings, such as those by Einhard, multiple relics within the same reliquary are believed to make different saints work together in heaven, thereby strengthening their power of intercession.[72] It is unclear if the MMA Cross contains multiple relics, but considering that this cross-shaped reliquary was created after the 4th Crusades, it is possible that the Eastern icons, which serve as substitutes for relics for intercession, impacted the role of images of saints on this cross.[73] Therefore, the appearance of multiple Francis-related saints on the reliquary possibly enhances the function of intercession, while also tying the connect reliquary to a Franciscan context, thereby emphasizing its Franciscan message.

Through the comparison between the MMA Cross and the Bertuccio Cross, it is clear that the relic of the True Cross has inspired human imagination and artistic endeavors. Crosses carry both symbolic and typological meaning in their spiritual and physical forms. In its physical manifestation, the True Cross, as a relic of Christ’s Passion, can act as an intercessor for the congregation. At the same time, the Crux Gemmata can offer intercession and demonstrate stability, which is the case with the MMA Cross. The relic of the True Cross also acquired added layers of meaning within the Franciscan context through Bonaventure’s writing. According to Bonaventure, the event where Francis gained his stigmata is a mystical reenactment of Christ’s sacrifice and a reaffirmation of Francis as Alter Christus. However, many of Bonaventure's teachings in the Legenda Maior, especially those related to poverty, were not widely accepted. The MMA Cross and the Bertuccio Cross comparison reveals distinct material and visual languages and a deeper ideological debate within the Friars Minor in the 14th century. While the Bertuccio Cross’s transparency demonstrates humility, poverty, and mystical paradox, the richly decorated MMA Cross reflects a moment of institutional evolution. Despite their contrasting forms, both reliquaries are deeply rooted in Franciscanism, centering on the True Cross, which connects Christ and Francis through the stigmata, and expresses messages and symbolism in intercession and divine love. Ultimately, both crosses’ material choices reflect theological, historical, and communal identities that shaped Franciscan spirituality and its visual culture.

Footnotes

[1] Cynthia J. Hahn, "The Reliquary Cross," in Strange Beauty: Issues in the Making and Meaning of Reliquaries, 400-circa 1204 (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2015), 87.
[2] Holger A. Klein, "Eastern Objects and Western Desires: Relics and Reliquaries between Byzantium and the West," Dumbarton Oaks Papers 58 (2004): 313, https://doi.org/10.2307/3591389.
[3] Andre Vauchez and Michael F. Cusato, Francis of Assisi: The Life and Afterlife of a Medieval Saint (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2012), 196.
[4] Hahn, "The Reliquary," 75.
[5] Hahn, 75.
[6] Hahn, 75.
[7] Jacobus de Voragine, "The Finding of the Holy Cross," trans. William Granger Ryan, in The Golden Legend: Readings on the Saints, 2012 ed., by Jacobus de Voragine and Eamon Duffy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2012), 277.
[8] de Voragine, 277.
[9] de Voragine, 277.
[10] Nancy M. Thompson, "The Franciscans and the True Cross: The Decoration of the Cappella Maggiore of Santa Croce in Florence," Gesta 43, no. 1 (2004): 68, https://doi.org/10.2307/25067092.
[11] de Voragine, "The Finding," 277 -278.
[12] de Voragine, 282.
[13] Thompson, "The Franciscans," 68.
[14] Klein, "Eastern Objects," 284, 313.
[15] Hahn, "The Reliquary," 76.
[16] Vauchez and Cusato, Francis of Assisi, 217.
[17] Vauchez and Cusato, 217.
[18] Vauchez and Cusato, 218.
[19] Vauchez and Cusato, 197.
[20] Thompson, "The Franciscans," 67.
[21] Thompson, 67.
[22] Stefania Gerevini, "'SICUT CRYSTALLUS QUANDO EST OBIECTA SOLI' ROCK CRYSTAL, TRANSPARENCY AND THE FRANCISCAN ORDER," Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz 56, no. 3 (2014): 271, JSTOR.
[23] Vauchez and Cusato, Francis of Assisi, 196.
[24] Vauchez and Cusato, 196 -198.
[25] Vauchez and Cusato, 196.
[26] Vauchez and Cusato, 221-222.
[27] Vauchez and Cusato, 221.
[28] Vauchez and Cusato, 222.
[29] Vauchez and Cusato, 222.
[30] Vauchez and Cusato, 222.
[31] Vauchez and Cusato, 222.
[32] Thompson, "The Franciscans," 67.
[33] Vauchez and Cusato, Francis of Assisi, 198.
[34] Thompson, "The Franciscans," 67.
[35] Thompson, 64.
[36] Thompson, 64.
[37] Vauchez and Cusato, Francis of Assisi, 200.
[38] Vauchez and Cusato, 269.
[39] Vauchez and Cusato, 195.
[40] Vauchez and Cusato, 195.
[41] Vauchez and Cusato, 195.
[42] Vauchez and Cusato, 200-201.
[43] Vauchez and Cusato, 202-203.
[44] Cynthia J. Hahn, "What Do Reliquaries Do for Relics?," Numen 57, no. 3/4 (2010): 289, 306-307, JSTOR.
[45] Hahn, "The Reliquary," 77, 79.
[46] Hahn, 77.
[47] Thompson, "The Franciscans," 61.
[48] Gerevini, "SICUT CRYSTALLUS,"262.
[49] Gerevini, 255.
[50] Stefania Gerevini, "Christus Crystallus: Rock Crystal, Theology and Materiality in the Medieval West," in Matter of Faith: An Interdisciplinary Study of Relics and Relic Veneration in the Medieval Period, by James Robinson, Lloyd De Beer, and Anna Harnden (London: British Museum, 2014), 94.
[51] Gerevini, "Christus Crystallus," 94.
[52] Gerevini, 94.
[53] Gerevini, 94.
[54] Gerevini, "SICUT CRYSTALLUS," 258.
[55] Gerevini, 258-270.
[56] Gerevini, 271.
[57] Gerevini, 273.
[58] Gerevini, 273, 278.
[59] Gerevini, 281.
[60] Metropolitan Museum of Art, "Reliquary Cross," Metropolitan Museum of Art, last modified April 22, 2025, accessed April 22, 2025, https://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/464463.
[61] Metropolitan Museum of Art, Metropolitan Museum of Art.
[62] Gerevini, "SICUT CRYSTALLUS," 270.
[63] Gerevini, 270.
[64] Gerevini, 266.
[65] Peter Fingesten, "Topographical and Anatomical Aspects of the Gothic Cathedral," The Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 20, no. 1 (1961): 5-6, https://doi.org/10.2307/427347.
[66] Fingesten, 4.
[67] Gerevini, "Christus Crystallus," 96.
[68] Gerevini, 96.
[69] Barbara Drake Boehm, "'A Brilliant Resurrection:' Enamel Shrines for Relics in Limoges and Cologne, 1100-1230," in Treasures of Heaven: Saints, Relics and Devotion in Medieval Europe, by Martina Bagnoli (London: British Museum Press, 2010), 151.
[70] Metropolitan Museum of Art, "Reliquary Cross," Metropolitan Museum of Art.
[71] Hahn, "What Do Reliquaries," 297.
[72] Hahn, 297.
[73] Cynthia J. Hahn, "Seeing and Believing: The Construction of Sanctity in Early-Medieval Saints' Shrines," Speculum 72, no. 4 (1997): 1094-1095, https://doi.org/10.2307/2865959.

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